Tuesday, December 8, 2015

Congress, who is intolerant?

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Begin forwarded message:

From: "Manmohan Vaidya " <mmohanngp@gmail.com>
Date: 5 December 2015 1:24:36 PM IST
To: <mmohanngp@gmail.com>
Subject: FW: Congress, who is intolerant?



From: S G Naravane [mailto:sgnaravane@yahoo.com]
Sent: 30 November 2015 18:04
To: jayantss66@gmail.com
Subject: Congress, who is intolerant?


We are living in interesting times. A comical debate about the intolerance of Hindus, initiated by a cabal supported by the Congress Party, is raging across the country. A number of communalists, masquerading as secularists, have been railing against the Narendra Modi-led government, painting it as intolerant. Some Bollywood stars like Aamir Khan and Shahrukh Khan have joined the mob of protestors. Even well-known musician, AR Rahman, jumped into the flawed debate.


Worldwide, Hindus are known as a tolerant and pacifist community. Taking undue advantage of Hindu tolerance, the UPA government led by Ms Sonia Gandhi and Dr Manmohan Singh practiced blatant discrimination against them on several occasions during their decade-long rule. Yet no secular-communalist protested nor raised his/her voice against discrimination against the majority community.


To set the record straight, some notable instances of intolerance against Hindus in the decade long UPA regime may be recounted, in no particular order. 


On December 9, 2006, came Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's famously infamous statement that Muslims and minorities would have the first claim on the nation's resources, which virtually condemned the Hindu majority to the status of second class citizens. By some quirk, the statement was made on the birthday of UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi! 


In 2011, the then Union Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde announced that a Muslim IPS officer was being appointed as Director, Intelligence Bureau, which involved three competent IPS officers being superseded without justification. No secular busybody or shrill media anchor ever dared ask the Sonia Gandhi-Manmohan Singh dyarchy why the careers of V Rajagopal, RN Gupta and Yashovardhan Azad were sabotaged.


In 2013, a Lt. Governor was to be appointed in Delhi. An RTI inquiry by Subhash Agarwal revealed that a panel was proposed in a Home Ministry note on 5th October, 2012, viz., SY Quraishi, former Chief Election Commissioner; Salauddin Ahmed, former Chief Secretary of Rajasthan; Anwar Ahsan Ahmed, former Secretary, Border Management in the Ministry of Home Affairs; Shamim Banu, former Additional Chief Secretary, Karnataka; and GS Kang, former Chief Secretary of Bihar. 


Obviously, it was pre-decided that only a person from one community would be appointed as Lt. Governor of Delhi. Interestingly, one of the retired officers on the panel had faced a CBI investigation. Finally, the post went to Najeeb Jung, a former Vice Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia, who had organized a demonstration alleging that the Batla House shootout of September 19, 2008, was a fake encounter staged by Delhi Police against the Indian Mujahideen.


Ms Leela Samson was appointed chief of Kalakshetra, Sangeet Natak Academi and Censor Board by the UPA, possibly solely on account of proximity to Ms Sonia Gandhi. She had reputedly been a dance teacher to Priyanka Vadra. During her tenure, she worked zealously to erase the Hindu identity of Kalakshetra by removing Hindu symbols and icons like Lord Ganesha, besides getting embroiled in corruption (the cases are on-going). She cleared Aamir Khan's controversial movie 'PK' despite the film containing highly objectionable scenes casting slurs on the Hindu faith. As an aside, one may mention that 'pk' is the internet handle for Pakistan, just as 'in' is for India.


Discrimination against poorest Hindus 


By using the Sachar Committee's flawed and fabricated  findings, former Union Minister of Minorities Affairs, Salman Khursheed, deprived the unlettered daughters and sons of nearly 34 crore Hindus living below the poverty line, mostly in rural areas. The very conception of the committee was a grave constitutional impropriety. The task assigned to Justice Sachar had in 1992 been entrusted by Parliament to the National Minorities Commission by enacting a special law called The Minorities Commission Act, 1992. It assigned all responsibility for protection of the rights of minorities and ensuring their welfare to the Minorities Commission. Thus, Dr Manmohan Singh's act of constituting a High Level Committee in March 2005, by executive fiat, for one religious minority, was patently unconstitutional and bad in law. The worst aspect of the sinister move was that Justice Sachar, being well versed in law, did not advise the Prime Minister of this blatant violation of the Constitution.


For decades, a bogey has been propagated that Muslims are economically and educationally more disadvantaged than Hindus. This falsehood is used by the vote bank lobby to bestow disproportionate benefits and concessions, including nearly 20 million scholarships and concessional educational loans exclusively on Muslims and four other minorities. During Salman Khursheed's press conference on May 29, 2012, it was revealed that not a single scholarship was given to the daughter or son of the poorest Hindu. Nor were cheaper educational or entrepreneurial loans advanced to any Hindu poor, while funds worth several lakh crores were advanced to the children of five minorities (Muslims, Christians, Buddhists, Parsis and Sikhs).


Religion-based strategy of discrimination


This strategy of religion-based discrimination followed the divisive vote bank policy enunciated in the Prime Minister's notorious "Muslims First" policy. It deprives crores of poor Hindus in rural India and urban jhuggies of any share in the 20 million scholarships awarded to five minorities, including four economically and educationally well placed communities (Christians, Parsis, Buddhists and Sikhs).


The data pertaining to infant and child mortality, degree of urbanization, life expectancy at birth, available in the public domain proves that Hindus, not Muslims, are the most disadvantaged religious group. Only in the matter of Literacy, Hindus with 65.1% literacy are marginally ahead of Muslims who average 59.1%. Yet, Justice Sachar did not have the courage to point out that the single factor responsible for lower Muslim literacy average was the lower ratio of literacy among Muslim women (50.1%), lower by 3.6% than the national average of female literacy at 53.7%. Justice Sachar also disregarded the diktats of Muslim religious leaders restricting education of girls beyond a certain age and insistence on the veil.


Plight of Hindus living below poverty line


Unfortunately, the most vocal Hindus, including spiritual gurus, tele-media analysts, self-anointed intellectuals and political leaders, belong to the prosperous or well-to-do middle class. They are remained indifferent to the pathetic economic condition of the poorest families, especially those trapped in terminally-ill rural areas. This allowed the children of 34-35 crore (340 million) poorest Hindu families to be denied a rightful share in 20 million scholarships in order to promote the 'exclusive development' of five minority communities. And this was done in the garb of 'inclusive development'! This ongoing discriminatory policy was launched by the then Prime Minister with great fanfare in June 2006, as part of the Prime Minister's New 15 Point Programme for Welfare of Minorities. 


Falsehood publicised in Sachar Report


Justice Sachar deliberately refused to consider the documented fact that according to the National Family Health Surveys Nos. 1 (1992-93) and 2 (1998-1999), Muslims were better placed than Hindus in four major human development indices, namely Infant Mortality, Child Mortality, degree of Urbanisation, and Life Expectancy at Birth. Despite admitting this important fact (pages 37-38), Sachar took recourse to suppressio veri, suggestio falsi by attributing it to the specious argument that it could be due to better child feeding practices prevalent among Muslims. Instead of candidly admitting that Muslims were better fed and had access to better medical care, he decided to weave the yarn of 'better child feeding' practices among Muslims.


Another instance of suppressio veri, suggestio falsi is the description of the plight of Muslim women (page 13, Chapter 2): "Everything beyond the walls of the ghetto is seen as unsafe and hostile – markets, roads, lanes and public transport, schools and hospitals, Police Stations and government offices." Can any Indian honestly believe that Muslim women are treated so shabbily in India? Many more instances of fudging facts and propagating falsehoods can be cited; they are omitted for want of space.


Rebuttals galore of Justice Sachar's Report


The first well-documented rebuttal of the flawed findings of Justice Sachar came on Sept. 2, 2006, when a paper was circulated by Prof. Sanjay Kumar of the Centre of the Study of Developing Studies, New Delhi, in a seminar at the Indian Institute of Public Administration. The research showed that there was hardly any difference in the economic and educational status of Hindus and Muslims. Prof Sanjay Kumar's research, based on a survey by the CSDS in 2004, showed that the proportion of 'the very poor' Indians was higher among Hindus (31%) than among Muslims (24%). 


Mysteriously, this important finding based on a survey was ignored by Justice Sachar despite a clear directive in the Prime Minister's Notification dated March 9, 2005 to the High Level Committee to "obtain relevant information from Departments /agencies of the Central & State Governments and also conduct an intensive literature survey to identify the published data, articles, and research on  relative social, economic and educational status of Muslims in India at the State, regional and district levels" to address problems faced by Muslims.


Prof. Sanjay Kumar's research paper highlighting these important findings was duly sent to Justice Sachar by our think tank, Patriots' Forum, with a formal request for an audience. Both were ignored.


The second rebuttal of Justice Sachar's findings came in October 2010 when the National Health Survey-3 (2005-2006) revealed a quantum jump of 5.4 years (from 62.6 years) in the life expectancy of Muslims within a short span of 7 years, i.e., between 1998 and 2005. The inordinate delay in releasing these findings helped facilitate the implementation of Sachar Committee's recommendations favouring the Muslim community. 


The third rebuttal of Justice Sachar's facts was made by Rajesh Shukla, Senior Fellow, National Council of Applied Economic Research, in the Economic Times, New Delhi, on April 5, 2007. Dr Shukla reconfirmed that there was hardly any difference in the economic status of Hindus and Muslims. His survey also disclosed that the Sikh community were 'the Sardars in Prosperity,' with Christians close behind them.


The fourth rebuttal of Justice Sachar's findings came on February 24, 2011, in the reply to a Parliament Question answered by Vincent H. Pala, Minister of State for Minorities, in the Lok Sabha, admitting that the Centre had no data pertaining to the number of persons living below the poverty line according to religious denomination. If as late as the year 2011, the government had no data about the number of Muslims and Hindus living below the poverty line, why were the fudged findings of Justice Sachar accepted and implemented several years ago?


The fifth demolition of the Sachar Committee came on October 24-25, 2011, when in a seminar jointly organized by the United Nations Development Programme and India's Planning Commission, at Claridge's Hotel, two scholars from Jawaharlal Nehru University (Sukhdeo Thorat and Amaresh Pandey) presented a research paper reconfirming that there had been far greater poverty reduction among Muslims than among Hindus  between 2004-2005 to 2009-2010.


Despite such research-based rebuttals of the Sachar Report, the discrimination against the poorest Hindu children living below the poverty line continues. According to a half page advertisement published in The Pioneer, New Delhi, on Feb. 15, 2014, "over Rs. 1,95,000 crore of bank credit was showered on 5 minorities". In contrast, not one rupee of bank credit reached the 34 crore Hindus living below the poverty line. The former Prime Minister owes the nation an explanation for this sad state of affairs caused by his government during a decade in office.


The author is a retired Inspector General of Police, Arunachal Pradesh

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Tuesday, November 10, 2015


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Wednesday, November 4, 2015

Wednesday, October 28, 2015

Vetanta footprints in distant America


There is a saying among early settlers in North America that an idea is known by the footprints it leaves behind. By the early twentieth century, Americans had discovered the eternal footprints of Vedanta. The eminent Austrian philosopher Moriz Winternitz surmised that 'if we wish to understand the beginnings of our own (Western) culture…, we must go back to India, where the oldest literature of an Indo-European people is preserved'.

At the turn of the twentieth century, the East's messenger of Vedanta was Swami Vivekananda, who journeyed in 1893 from India to America to attend the first Parliament of the World Religions, which was held in the bustling manufacturing hub of Chicago. Vivekananda was the leading disciple of Sri Ramakrishna, who practiced an extraordinary religious ecumenism. Vivekananda once recalled about his teacher: 'He was not what one might call a very learned man…, but a very bold one, deeply imbued with the spirit of Vedanta philosophy, (who) obtained a wonderful insight into the spiritual world…. He was the living commentary on the Vedas and their aim'.

The earliest Vedic canon, the Rig-Veda (1500–1200 BCE), is an extant collection of 1,028 hymns and 10,600 verses, organized into ten books (Mandalas). It is both universal and eternal, in that the hymns boldly affirm that 'Truth is one, (although) wise men (and women) call it by various names'. The sages remind us that truth is complex and that no single state or society can lay claim to 'truth' that is based on a single-minded moral guardianship over freedom, liberty, and justice.

Despite Vivekananda's declining health, he returned to the United States in 1899. During his stay, as in earlier years, he shied away from the two extremes of Hindu orthodoxy and missionary Christianity. Unlike dogmatism or conversion, the modern sage from the East drew many Americans to the Vedanta philosophy by quintessentially decoding the moral language of the Vedic texts into four aspects of yoga: karma-yoga (action); bhakti-yoga (devotion); raja-yoga (stillness of mind); and jnana-yoga (knowledge of the divine).

Soon, centres were being officially recognized by the Ramakrishna Math's head office in Belur Math and incorporated across America. In 1894, the first Vedanta center of worship, the Vedanta Society of New York, opened its doors to the community at 34 West 71st Street, where it is still located. Only six years later, when Vivekananda visited San Francisco in 1900, his northern California devotees chartered the Northern California Vedanta Society. In 1910, the Ramakrishna Vedanta Society opened a centre in Boston, Massachusetts. In 1925, the Society opened a center in Portland, Oregon.

Between 1928 and 1939, the Vedanta centres in America nearly doubled in number. In 1928, the Society opened a centre in Providence, Rhode Island. In 1930, it added a centre in Chicago, Illinois, where Swami Vivekananda delivered a memorable speech to the congress. In that same year, the society opened a centre in Los Angeles, California. Then, in 1933, the Society opened a second centre in New York City, this one at 17 East 94th Street.

In 1938, Swami Satprakashananda started the Vedanta Society of St. Louis, Missouri. Also during that year, the Society opened the centre of the Vedanta Society of Western Washington, in Seattle. In 1939, the Society opened a centre at the Vedanta Society of Berkeley, California. In 1953, the Society opened a centre at the Vedanta Society of Sacramento, California. Most recently, in 2005, the Society opened a centre at the Vedanta Center of St. Petersburg, St. Petersburg, Florida.

By the early twentieth century, outstanding scholars, both born in America and immigrants from Europe, became active members of local Vedanta centres. For example, two prominent faculty members at Harvard College, the Russian émigré Professor Pitrim Sorokin, head of the department of sociology, and Dr. Gordon Allport, a professor of psychology, were members of the Boston centre. Dr. Allport presented the book, 'Hindu Psychology, Its Meaning for the West', authored by Swami Akhilananda to the public of the West. Professor Joseph Campbell, who was a faculty member in the department of religion at Sarah Lawrence College, collaborated with Swami Nikhilananda, who founded the Ramakrishna-Vivekananda centre in New York. In the Saint Louis centre, Dr. Houston Smith, also a professor of religion was closely associated with Swami Satprakashananda. Three British intellectuals, Gerald Heard, Aldous Huxley, and Christopher Isherwood, were members of the centre in Southern California, and actively collaborated with its chief monk, Swami Prabhavananda, in advancing the Vedanta message.

But why have Americans been drawn to the Vedanta philosophy? Starting with the spellbound audience attending the first congress, as well as those individuals who organized the thirteen fully accredited centres stretching across America, this basic question must be asked. What soulful string did Vivekananda pull that made Americans join the Vedanta order?

Vivekananda may not have fashioned a new faith; nonetheless, the Vedic philosophy that he advocated is timeless, positing that each of us has a divine capacity and natural desire to know God. In America, Vivekananda combined spiritual humanism with common pragmatism. With super-sharp intelligence, the itinerant monk reminded everyone that he belonged 'to a religion which has taught the world both tolerance and universal acceptance'. He highlighted the liberal values of the sacred texts of all the world's religions. This monk strongly believed that social inequality grows out of the narrow sectarianism that divides humanity. Vivekananda repeated in public speeches and private discussions that human liberty can be searched for and located, not in the material artifacts of history, but in the pristine self-realization that the soul is immortal and divine. Birth and death are mere events in time and space.

Vivekananda had a vigorous and dramatic style of delivery as he contrasted human beings' longing for truth with greed. Much like the Western orchestral symphony (think Brahms), almost always, Vivekananda was deliberative in that he contrasted human beings' inner aspiration to truth to the rising capitalist theology. The lecture themes sought to close the gap between the inner-directed sacred Self and the other-directed secular self. He cautioned the world against the ethical costs of raked modernity.

In this vital sense, Vivekananda's presentations to the audience had a song-like quality. His self-styled timbrel character represented the world as a continuous unsliced reality. Judging from the follow-up questions that were thrown at him by skeptical members of the audience, Vivekananda's direct, blunt, but always poised replies affirmed the eternal presence of the ancient coda of truth. America clearly witnessed that Vivekananda's goal was not an imaginative evocation, but a call to follow the footprints that would lead them to the hymnal road to liberation.

The writer is an emeritus professor of sociology.

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Friday, June 26, 2015

Emergency reminder



Today is 26th June.
Spare only Five minutes to read and remember this.
Black day in the History of India:
This Small Real story (information) is dedicated to all those persons who lost their lives or physically handicapped in jail while fighting for the democracy in that Third Freedom movement after 1857 and 1947.
As I am one of the victim and I saw many of the young people don't have any idea about the emergency I have tried to narrate it in simple way. In books, information is available in detail but not possible to give here as a whole. My idea is to give basic information. You may send your opinion on this. Emergency was in effect from 25 June 1975 few minutes to mid night until its withdrawal on 21 March 1977. 

During 1973–75, political unrest against the Indira Gandhi government increased across the country. (This led to some Congress-party leaders to demand for a move towards a presidential system, with a more-powerful directly elected executive.) The most significant of the initial such movement was the Nav Nirman movement in Gujarat, between December 1973 and March 1974. Student unrest against the state's education minister ultimately forced the central government to dissolve the state legislature, leading to the resignation of the chief minister, Chimanbhai Patel, and the imposition of president's rule. After the re-elections in 1975, Gandhi's party was defeated by the Janata alliance, formed by parties opposed to the ruling Congress party. Shri Babubhai J.Patel was the C.M. supported by Chimanbhai Patel's small group. Coz of this emergency was not imposed in Gujarat but as directed by I.Gandhi he withdrawn the support which lead Gujarat also under emergency.

In March–April 1974, a student agitation by the Bihar Chatra Sangharsh Samiti received the support of Gandhian socialist Jayprakash Narayan, referred to as JP, against the Bihar government. In April 1974, in Patna, JP called for "Total revolution", asking students, peasants, and labour organisations Non-violently  transform Indian society. He also demanded the dissolution of the state government, but this was not accepted by Centre. A month later, the railway-employees union, the largest union in the country, went on a nationwide strike. This strike was brutally suppressed by the Indira Gandhi government, which arrested thousands of employees and drove their families out of their quarters.


Shri Rajnarayan who had been defeated in parliamentary election by Indira Gandhi, lodged cases of election fraud and use of state machinery for election purposes against her in the Allahabad High court. Shanti bhushan fought the case for R.Narayan. I.Gandhi was also cross-examined in the High Court which was the first such instance for an Indian prime minister.

On 12 June 1975, Justice Jagmohanlal Sinha of the Allahabad High Court found the prime minister guilty on the charge of misuse of government machinery for her election campaign. The court declared her election null and void and unseated her from her seat in the Lok Sabha. The court also banned her from contesting any election for an additional six years. She was held responsible for misusing government machinery, and found guilty on charges such as using the state police to build a dais, availing the services of a government officer, Yashpal Kapoor, during the elections before he had resigned from his position, and use of electricity from the state electricity department.

Because of above however, strikes in trade, student and government unions swept across the country. Led by Jay prakash Narayan (JP), protesters flooded the streets of Delhi close to the Parliament building and the Prime Minister's residence. The persistent efforts of Narayan were praised worldwide as it took over four years for Justice Sinha to pass judgement against the prime minister.

She went to Supreme court and it gave her stay but cancelled her power to vote in Parliament however, she was allowed to continue as Prime Minister. But she guess that in near future she will not be on the PM's chair. Her nearest political adviser S.S. Rey (CM of W.Bengal) advice  to take action as decided months ago. He has advice to prepare list of RSS leaders long back all over the country. 
Emergency i.e. MISA Act normally can be applied if there is heavy internal problem in the country or at the time of war with out side enemy. But in absence of both reason it was imposed by Indira Gandhi thor'President Fakryddin ali Ahmed under Article 352(1) of the Constitution for "internal disturbance". After a quick question regarding a procedural matter, President 
Fakryddin ali Ahmed declared a state of internal emergency upon the prime minister's advice on the night of 25 June 1975, just a few minutes before the clock struck midnight. Emergency was in effect from 25 June 1975 until its withdrawal on 21 March 1977, only because she lost the seat in election and don't want to get down from the PM's chair.
Within three hours, the electricity to all major newspapers was cut and the political opposition arrested. The proposal was sent without discussion with the Union Cabinet, who only learnt of it and ratified it the next morning.
About two lakh people were jailed with-out any charge. More then 37000 publications were under censorship...
Film stars have to obey orders of Sanjay Gandhi, her friend Rukhasana Sultan & group. Kishorkumar took objection, his songs were banned on D.darshan and Aakashvani. Hemamalini was not in a position to attend Govt. function was brought forcefully, these are the examples. Shr I.K.Gujral the Information minister was replaced by Mr. Shukla very near to the family. Nobody in a position to oppose.
Lakhs of people, & all opposition leaders were in Jail including Shri Vajpayee, Morarji Desai, Advani, Vijayaraje Sindhiya, Charan Singh, Krupalani, R.Narayan all...all and above all Shri Jayprakash Narayan.
Organizations like RSS were banned. At least nine high courts pronounced that even after the declaration of an emergency a person could challenge his detention. The Supreme Court, now under the Indira Gandhi-appointed Chief Justice A. N. Ray, over-ruled all of them upholding the state's plea for power to detain a person without the necessity of informing him of the reasons/grounds of his arrest or, to suspend his personal liberties or, to deprive him of his right to life, in an absolute manner (the habeas corpus case').Many political workers who were not arrested in the first wave, went 'underground' continuing organizing protests. Abuse and torture of detainees and political prisoners was very simple.
More then 3rd degree was used on people in jail. 
Because of censorship more then 50% pages of the leading News papers were coming Blank. Many of the News papers who opposed have to close their presses. Ramnath Goenka and it's Express group gave very good fight against Govt. Many of their publications were banned or closed down in very bad manner. 
At present for very small things Media can criticize Govt. were became "Miyau" at that time. Even you might have realized this time our media is acting more freely on emergency then congress ruling years.
Role of RSS: 
"Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh" which was seen close to opposition leaders, and with its large organizational base was seen as having the potential of organising protests against the Government, was also banned. Police clamped down on the organisation and thousands of its workers were imprisoned. The RSS defied the ban and thousands participated in Satyagraha (peaceful protests) against the ban and against the curtailment of fundamental rights. Later, when there was no letup, the volunteers of the RSS formed underground movements for the restoration of democracy. Literature that was censored in the media was clandestinely published and distributed on a large scale for the movement. Networks were established between leaders of different political parties in the jail and outside for the co-ordination of the movement.

The Economist described the movement as "the only non-left revolutionary force in the world". It said that the movement was "dominated by tens of thousands of RSS cadres, though more and more young recruits are coming". Talking about its objectives it said "its platform at the moment has only one plank: to bring democracy back to India".

The struggle against Indira's dictatorship and fight against emergency were Planned, Organized, Lead by some prominent persons of Sangh parivar like Manya Nanaji Deshmukh, Manya Dattopant Thengadi, Manya Ravindra Verma (of old Congress) etc. Shri Govindacharya and Shri Ram Bahadur Roy were the two youth leaders who played a key role in starting the JP movement. There have been a host of others in various states whose plans, efforts etc. were behind this nationwide struggle and it's success. Our PM Shri N.Modi also handled successfully the under ground movement in Gujarat and Indira police was unable to catch them till end. Shri Subramaniuam Swami and Shri Makrand Desai were successfully went out of India and continue the fight from there. Plus they gave the correct information to international organizations like "Amnesty International" fighting for human rights. (It is a non-governmental organisation focused on human rights with over 7 million members and supporters around the world. Founder Mr.Peter Benenson who founded it in July 1961 at London. 
Today's Media may not be knowing Or don't want to publish this work and sacrifice but it is fact. Many people when they come out from jail were in very bad condition health wise including Shri Jayprakash Narayan.   
Finally, Indira Gandhi declared election and people voted against her,
She lost the power. And Janata Govt took place in leader ship of Shri Morarji Desai as Prime Minister. 

Monday, June 22, 2015


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Wednesday, May 20, 2015


> "बलिदान केवल बलिदान"- चित्‍तौड़ की स्‍वतंत्रता देवी बलिदान चाहती है.
> बादल उमड़े थे, बिजलियां कड़की थीं और घोर अंधकार छा गया था. अपवित्रता
> पवित्रता पर कब्‍जा करना चाहती थी और अनाचार आचार और व्‍यवहार की ईंट से
> ईंट बजा देने वाला था. हृदय कांप उठे थे, अशांति की लहरें बड़े जोरों से
> शांति के किले के कँगूरों को एक-एक करके ढा रही थीं. सूर्यदेव भी अपने
> वंशजों को सदा के लिये अंधकार में छोड़ देने के लिये तैयार थे और
> चित्‍तौड़ की दीवारें भी ऊँचा सिर रखते हुए नीची नजर कर चुकी थीं. बेढब
> बाजी लगी थी. पद्ममिनी का दाँव था. पाँसे उलटे पड़ रहे थे. लेकिन रुख
> बदला. किसी की दया या कृपा से नहीं और किसी की कमजोरी या नीचता से भी
> नहीं. रक्‍त की वर्षा हो गयी. रक्‍त की प्‍यासी भूमि की प्‍यास मिट गयी.
> चित्‍तौड़ की देवियों को राख का ढेर होते देख कर चित्‍तौड़ की
> स्‍वतंत्रता देवी के हृदय का ताप मिट गया.
> फिर वही दृश्‍य और फिर वही कार्य. समय के पहिये घूमे और चित्‍तौड़ की
> स्‍वतंत्रता देवी ने, दया से या निर्दयता से, फिर अपना खप्‍पर हाथ में ले
> लिया. वीरों ने फिर उसे अपने अमूल्‍य खून से भर दिया. लेकिन जयमल और उसके
> वीर साथियों का रक्‍त उसकी प्‍यास को न बुझा सका. चित्‍तौड़ की देवियों
> ने अपने कोमल शरीरों को उसके लिये अग्नि के सुपुर्द किया. लेकिन उन्‍हें
> मुट्ठी-भर ही खाक में पलट जाते हुए देख कर उसके हृदय की जलन और बढ़ी, और
> इतनी बढ़ी कि वह स्‍वयं चित्‍तौड़ से आगे बढ़ गयी. चित्‍तौड़ खाली हुआ.
> अकबर का झंडा उस पर फहराने लगा. चित्‍तौड़ के दरोदीवार ने आँसू बहाये.
> हाथ उठा कर उन्‍होंने अपने कुल-संरक्षक सूर्य और गंभीर आकाश की दुहाइयाँ
> दीं, लेकिन सूर्य से न किसी अग्नि की चिनगारी ने गिर कर इस्‍लामी झंडे को
> जला दिया और न आकाश की गंभीरता ही ने उसकी दासता की मात्रा को कम किया.
> चित्‍तौड़ की स्वतंत्रता देवी चाहती है, "बलिदान"!
> "उदयसिंह! आगे बढ़ और अपने प्राण उसकी पवित्र वेदी पर कुर्बान कर. लेकिन
> अरे! यह क्‍या? देवी की प्रति‍ष्‍ठा करने के लिये उठ कर आगे बढ़ने के
> बजाय तू पीठ दे कर भागता है! याद रख, तेरी इस भीरुता का फल अच्‍छा न होगा
> और आने वाली संतानें बड़ी ही शर्म से तेरा नाम लेंगी. सचमुच वह दिन
> चित्‍तौड़ के लिये बड़ा ही आभागा था, जिस दिन पन्‍ना ने तेरे लिये अपने
> बच्‍चे के हृदय में कटारी घुसने दी. हत्‍यारे का शिकार तो तुझी को होना
> था, जिससे फिर चित्‍तौड़ की लाज का शिकार तू इस निर्लज्‍जता के साथ न
> करने पाता. चित्‍तौड़ ने स्‍वतंत्रता के दिन भोगे थे और अब कालचक्र तेरी
> आड़ ले कर उसे परतंत्रता की सुनहरी जंजीर से जकड़ने के लिये आगे बढ़ा है.
> हे भीरु और पतित आत्‍मा! चल, आगे बढ़ और दूसरे के लिये स्‍थान छोड़!
> ईश्‍वर के लिये नहीं, देश और जाति के लिये नहीं. जिन्‍होंने तेरे
> पूर्वजों की आन-बान कायम रखने के लिये रणकुंड में अपनी आहुति दे दी थी,
> बल्कि अपनी ही आत्‍मा की शांति के लिये. जा, इस संसार से उठ जा और उस
> महापुरुष के लिये स्‍थान खाली कर, जिसके और राणा संग्रामसिंह के बीच में,
> यदि तूने जन्‍म लेने का कष्‍ट न उठाया होता, तो चित्‍तौड़ को अपनी
> स्‍वाधीनता शत्रुओं के हाथ मिट्ठी के मोल न देनी पड़ती".
> "आओ प्रताप, आओ, लेकिन पहले परीक्षा दो. स्वतंत्रता देवी के पवित्र मंदिर
> में उनके लिये स्‍थान नहीं, जिनके हृदय का स्‍थान छोटा है. कैसे परीक्षा
> दोगे? अपने सिर को कटा कर नहीं, बल्कि अपने सिर को अपने धड़ पर कायम रख
> कर, बराबर उसके काटे जाने का कष्‍ट सहते हुए, महलों ही को छोड़ कर नहीं,
> लेकिन इस भीष्‍म शपथ को ले कर कि जब तक चित्‍तौड़ स्‍वाधीन नहीं होता, जब
> तक उसकी दीवारें सिर उठा कर संसार के साथ नजर न मिला सकें, जब तक उन वीर
> पुरुषों और वीर स्त्रियों की आत्‍मायें, जिनके खून से चित्‍तौड़ की भूमि
> सिंची हुई है, अपने मनोवांछित कामों को पूरा होते देख कर प्रसन्‍न न हो
> जायें, तब तक फूस पर सोयेंगें, पत्‍तों पर खायेंगे और शारीरिक सुखों का
> स्‍वप्‍नों में भी खयाल न करेंगे". तपस्‍या का यही अंत नहीं. जो सिर
> स्‍वतंत्रता देवी के सामने झुकाए याद रखो, उसे अधिकार नहीं कि संसार की
> किसी शक्ति के सामने झुके. तलवार की धार पर चलना है, लेकिन याद रखो,
> तुम्‍हारे मुँह से उफ् भी निकली, और तुम गये. ऐसे जाओगे कि कहीं भी पता न
> लगेगा और अपने साथ ही कितनी ही आशाओं और देश के कितने ही शुभ गुणों को
> लेते जाओगे".
> अच्‍छा आदर-सत्‍कार पाने पर विभीषण मानसिंह चित्‍तौड़ के कुमार से बोला-
> "राणा जी के सिर में जो दर्द है, उसकी दवा ले कर शीघ्र ही लौटूँगा".
> वि‍भीषण-चिकित्‍सक मानसिंह शीघ्र ही लौटा. हल्‍दीघाटी के मैदान ने इस
> सुयोग्‍य चिकित्‍सक का आव्‍हान किया. प्रताप भी अपनी कठिनाइयों का पहला
> पाठ पढ़ने के लिये इस रणक्षेत्र की ओर आगे बढ़ा. 22000 साथी, लेकिन अंत
> में 8000 ही बचे, शेष सब प्रताप को गुरु-दक्षिणा में देने पड़े. घमासान
> युद्ध! प्राणों का बाजार पूरा गरम! भीषणता और उसका सच्‍चा महत्‍व उसी समय
> समझ सकते हो, जब एक किसान की कुटी की शांति और सौम्‍यता से इस दृश्‍य की
> तुलना करो. मनुष्‍य की पाशविक शक्ति का पूरा नमूना, लेकिन साथ ही संसार
> के उज्‍जवल गुणों का पूरा खजाना. सैनिक मरते हुए एक पर एक गिर रहे हैं.
> ढाल-लेकिन अंत में कोमल शरीर ही ढाल का काम देते हैं. तलवार-मनुष्‍य के
> रक्‍त की तरलता देख कर उसका पानी और भी तरल हो जाता है. बर्छियाँ-जरा-सा
> भी अन्‍याय नहीं करतीं. इस यज्ञ-कुंड में, प्रताप, तुम अपनी जान की
> बार-बार आहुति दे रहे हो. लेकिन तुम इस तरह से छुटकारा नहीं पा सकते,
> तुम्‍हें संसार में रह कर संसार से संग्राम करना है. मानसिंह, लेकिन वह
> विभीषण के हवाले कर प्रताप के सामने न आ सका. ओह! सलीम बच्‍चा है, छोड़ो
> प्रताप, उसे छोड़ो. आह, अब तुम बेतरह घिर गये. तुम अकेले और ये इस्‍लामी
> सिपाही सैकड़ों! तुम्‍हारा मुकुट इस समय तुम्‍हारा शत्रु हो गया है. फेंक
> दो उसे. लेकिन कितने मारोगे? एक, दो, तीन. अरे, वे आते ही जाते हैं, अब
> भी फेंक दो, फेंको भी देश और जाति को, नहीं संसार को तुम्‍हारी जान
> तुम्‍हारे सोने के तुच्‍छ मुकुट से ज्यादा प्‍यारी है. नहीं फेंकोगे?
> अच्‍छा राजपूत वीरो, आगे बढ़ो! देखो, तुम्‍हारा अधिपति मुफ्त ही में जा
> रहा है. बढ़ो आगे, बचाओ, बचाओ. हाँ, सदरी के झाला! तुम, हाँ बढ़ो, बढ़ो
> बसठी के झाला के सिर पर मुकुट है. मुगल तलवारें झाला पर पड़ने लगीं.
> प्रताप को उन्‍होंने छोड़ दिया. एक जान के बदले दूसरी जान. झाला ने अपनी
> जान दे कर अधिक कीमती जान बचा ली. रक्‍त-नदी बह उठी. लेकिन, चित्‍तौड़ की
> स्‍वतंत्रता देवी की प्‍यास न बुझी. अभी तो परीक्षा आरंभ ही हुई है.
> प्रताप, एक किले के बाद दूसरा किला दो. अब किले नहीं रहे तो जाओ,
> पहाड़ियों और जंगलों की खाक छानो. ऐं, रसद बंद हो गयी, तो क्‍या हर्ज?
> पत्‍ते कहीं नहीं गये, जंगल का साया और कोदों का कोई हाथ न पकड़ लेगा. आज
> यहाँ, तो कल वहाँ, घास की रोटियाँ खाते ही मुगल आ पहुँचे. लड़ते-भिड़ते
> निकल चलो. सोने का बिछौना नहीं, कोई हर्ज नहीं. बड़ों के लिये पत्‍थर की
> चट्टानों और बच्‍चों के लिये बाँस के पालने ही सही. अँधेरी रातें, धधकती
> दुपहरिया, कड़ाके का जाड़ा, वर्षा की रिमझिम, आत्‍मा की आग और परमात्‍मा
> की उदासीनता. साथियों का मरते जाना और सैनिकों का कम होते जाना, कठिन
> तपस्‍या और कठोर व्रत. आराधना और स्‍वतंत्रता देवी की पूरी पक्‍की
> आराधना. चंचलता फटकने न पावे और अकर्मण्‍यता पास न आने पावे. एक दिन नहीं
> और दो दिन भी नहीं, एक साथ पच्चीस वर्ष तक.
> यह कैसी चीत्‍कार? चित्‍तौड़ की राजकुमारी के हाथ से एक वन-बिलाव घास-पात
> की रोटी छीन ले गया. राजकुमारी चीख उठी. बिलाव के डर से नहीं, भूख के डर
> से. राजकुमारी और रोटी के लिये तरसे, लेकिन प्रताप, यह क्‍या? तुम्‍हारी
> आत्‍मा काँप उठी? लड़की की वेदना देख कर और परिवार के कष्‍टों से क्‍या
> अब स्‍वतंत्रता देवी को अंतिम नमस्कार करना चाहते हो? शांत हो और जरा
> विचारो. देखो, वह तुम्‍हारे शत्रु, नहीं, स्‍वतंत्रता के शत्रु अपने
> खेमों में घी के दीप जला रहे हैं. क्‍यों? तुम्‍हारी हिम्‍मत टूटती हुई
> देख कर. इन दीपकों के घी और बत्‍ती के साथ, सच बताओ, तुम्‍हारा हृदय जला
> कि नहीं? हाँ, जला और अब उस जले पर नमक छिड़कने की जरूरत नहीं.
> हो चुका. बस, चित्‍तौड़ की पवित्र भूमि, तुझे नमस्‍कार है. तुझे छोड़ता
> हूँ. लेकिन स्‍वतंत्रता की देवी का पल्‍ला नहीं छोड़ता. जो था, सो सब इस
> देवी को अर्पण हो चुका. शरीर में जो हड्डियाँ बाकी हैं, वे भी उसके अर्पण
> हो चुकी हैं. जननी जन्‍मभूमि! अंतिम दर्शन है. ले, आज्ञा दे!
> प्रताप, आगे मत बढ़ो. तुम्‍हारी सच्‍ची माता तुम्‍हें बुला रही है.
> हरिश्‍चंद्र अपनी दासता के कर्तव्‍य में, जब हद से ज्‍़यादा आगे बढ़ गये
> थे, तब कहते हैं कि निराकर प्रभु ने आ कर उनका हाथ पकड़ा था. मेवाड़ की
> भूमि भी तेरा पैर पकड़ रही है. देख, उसका एक सपूत आगे बढ़ता है. भामाशाह
> तेरे पैर थामता है. देश को मत छोड़, वह तुझे छोड़ने के लिये तैयार नहीं.
> भाग्‍य भी अभी तक तुझे छोड़े था, लेकिन अब वह प्रार्थना करता है, उसे मत
> छोड़. ले धन! पच्चीस हजार आदमी इस धन से बारह वर्ष तक खा सकेंगे. तेरी
> साहस और तेरी दृढ़ता और उदारता के सामने उसका आसन डोल उठा है. देख, इस
> समय उसके हाथ में खप्‍पर नहीं, उसके हृदय में जलन नहीं, शांति से वह
> मुस्‍करा रही है, उसके हाथों में माला है और देख, वह तेरे गले में गिरती
> है.
> महान् पुरुष, निस्‍संदेह महान्, पुरुष. भारतीय इतिहास के किसी खून में
> इतनी चमक है? स्‍वतंत्रता के लिये किसी ने इतनी कठिन परीक्षा दी? जननी
> जन्‍मभूमि के लिये किसने इतनी तपस्‍या की? देशभक्‍त, लेकिन देश पर अहसान
> जताने वाला नहीं, पूरा राजा, लेकिन स्‍वेच्‍छाचारी नहीं. उसकी उदारता और
> दृढ़ता का सिक्‍का शत्रुओं तक ने माना. शत्रु से मिले भाई शक्तिसिंह पर
> उसकी दृढ़ता का जादू चल गया. अकबर का दरबारी पृथ्‍वीराज उसकी कीर्ति गाता
> था. भील उसके इशारे के बंदे थे. भामाशाह ने उसके पैरों पर सब कुछ रख
> दिया. विभीषण मानसिंह उससे नजर नहीं मिला सकता था. अकबर उसका लोहा मानता
> था. खानखाना उसकी तारीफ में पद्य रचना करना अपना पुण्‍य कार्य समझता था.
> जानवर भी उसे प्‍यार करते थे और घोड़े चेतक ने उसके ऊपर अपनी जान
> न्योछावर कर दी थी. स्‍वतंत्रता देवी का वह प्‍यारा था और वह उसे प्‍यारी
> थी. चित्‍तौड़ का वह दुलारा था और चित्‍तौड़ की भूमि उसे दुलारी थी. उदार
> इतना कि बेगमें पकड़ी गयीं और शान-सहित वापस भेज दी गयीं. सेनापति फरीद
> खाँ ने कसम खायी कि प्रताप के खून से मेरी तलवार नहायेगी. प्रताप ने
> सेनापति को पकड़ कर छोड़ दिया.
> अंतिम काल. जान नहीं निकलती. लेकिन, राणाजी, क्‍यों? मुझे विश्‍वास नहीं
> कि मेरे बाद चित्‍तौड़ की स्‍वाधनीता कायम रह सके. क्‍यों? राजकुमार
> अमरसिंह इतना दृढ़ नहीं. राजकुमार दृढ़ न सही, मेवाड़ के वे सरदार राणाजी
> की कसम खाते हैं कि हम अपने खून से स्‍वतंत्रता के उस बीज को, जो तूने
> बोया, सींचेंगे. शांति और उसकी आत्‍मा शरीर से बाहर हो कर स्‍वतंत्रता
> देवी की पवित्र गोद में जा विराजी. प्रताप! हमारे देश का प्रताप! हमारी
> जाति का प्रताप! दृढ़ता और उदारता का प्रताप! तू नहीं है, केवल तेरा यश
> और कीर्ति है. जब तक यह देश है, और जब तक संसार में दृढ़ता, उदारता,
> स्‍वतंत्रता और तपस्‍या का आदर है, तब तक हम क्षुद्र प्राणी ही नहीं,
> सारा संसार तुझे आदर की दृष्टि से देखेगा. संसार के किसी भी देश में तू
> होता, तो तेरी पूजा होती और तेरे नाम पर लोग अपने को न्‍योछावर करते.
> अमेरिका में होता तो वाशिंगटन और अब्राहम लिंकन से तेरी किसी तरह कम पूजा
> न होती. इंग्‍लैंड में होता तो वेलिंगटन और नेल्‍सन को तेरे सामने सिर
> झुकाना पड़ता. स्‍कॉटलैंड में बलस और रॉबर्ट ब्रूस तेरे साथी होते.
> फ्रांस में जोन ऑफ आर्क तेरे टक्‍कर की गिनी जाती और इटली तुझे मैजिनी के
> मुकाबले में रखती. लेकिन हाँ! हम भारतीय निर्बल आत्‍माओं के पास है ही
> क्‍या, जिससे हम तेरी पूजा करें और तेरे नाम की पवित्रता का अनुभव करें!
> एक भारतीय युवक, आँखों में आँसू भरे हुए, अपने हृदय को दबाता हुआ लज्‍जा
> के साथ तेरी कीर्ति गा नहीं-रो नहीं, कह-भर लेने के सिवा और कर ही क्‍या
> सकता है?
> गणेश शंकर विद्यार्थी

Monday, May 11, 2015


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