Saturday, October 23, 2010

CPM Branch Secretary elected as main priest of Mallikapuram temple in Sabarimala





 

 

From: Janmabhumi hyderabad [mailto:hyderabad@janmabhumidaily.com]


CPM Branch Secretary elected as main priest of Mallikapuram temple in Sabarimala


Kayamkulam KERALA: CPM's apathy towards religion, especially towards Hinduism is not news. We had several comrades suspended from the party and taken action against for conducting house warming ceremony with Ganapathy Homam. Many comrades have to cover their head while they need to visit nearby temples. 

Looks like CPM who failed to fulfil their agenda to destroy Sabarimala by nominating hardcore Anti Hindu Sudhagaran as Devaswom Minister is now trying to play the game again by nominating a CPM leader as the Main priest of Mallikapuram temple in Sabarimala.

Dhananjayan Namboothiri Kaduvinal Branch Secretary of CPM in Vallikunnam in Allapuzha is elected as the Purapedda Santhi of Mallikapuram temple.He is currently employed as priest in Kannanamkuzhi Sri Krishna temple under the Devaswam Board.

CPM card carrying Nampoothiri comrades in Devaswom Board Temples need to be identified and exposed.

 
 

 
--
Regards

Pradeep Nambiaar
Correspondent
hyderabad@janmabhumidaily.com
Cell: 09440115560
www.janmabhumidaily.com


Tuesday, October 19, 2010

THE SANGH PARIVAR AND THE NON-HINDUS"


 


THE SANGH PARIVAR AND THE NON-HINDUS"
 
SHRI RAMESH PATENGE
 
SHRI RAMESH PATENGE
 
Born in 1947 at Pune, Shri Ramesh Patange did his M.A. with Economics and Politics from Bombay University. He is currently the Editor of the Marathi weekly
?VIVEK? published from Mumbai. A senior activitist, thinker and ideologue of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, he is deeply involved in the Dalit problems and
is a leader and one of the founders of the Samajik Samarasata Munch (Social Integration Forum). While he has a number of remarkable articles at his credit,
his recent Marathi book ?Me Manu Ani Sangh? (I, Many and Sangh) is a graphic account of his unique and wonderful experience in Sangh. A run-away success
in Hindi also, the Marathi book has gone for fourth printing within a period of one year.
 
This booklet brings out thoughts expressed by him in a meeting of senior RSS officers on the vital subject of ?Outlook of the Sangh towards the Non-Hindus?.
 

?THE SANGH PARIVAR AND THE NON-HINDUS"
 
When we discuss the attitude of Sangh towards the non Hindus, the first question that immediately arises in mind is whom should we call non-Hindus? There
are sects and movements in Hinduism who call themselves non-Hindus. For instance Buddhists, Sikhs and Jains are unwilling to be included among Hindus,
in Hinduism and the Hindu society.
 
It is mainly the lure of the special protection and special rights and privileges available to religious minorities of this country which is responsible
for this situation. As an extreme example, the case of the Ramakrishna mission can be cited here. This Mission went to the court of law on the plea that
they should not be included in the Hindu society since they were Ramakrishnaites and not Hindus. The plea was of course rejected by the court in a ruling
of historic importance. The court said that the followers of the Ramakrishna mission were Hindus. From the RSS point of view, we regard all the sects as
Hindus. They are all different branches of the Sanatana Dharma and though their modes of worship are different, they are offshoots of the same culture
and therefore culturally they are Hindus. Cultural ties bind them together.
 
In the legal definition which Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar has given in the Hindu Code Bill, Buddhists, Sikhs and Jains are included among Hindus. The Hindu Code
Bill is therefore applicable to them all. If any of them challenges it, then the onus of proving that the Bill does not apply to them rests on the concerned
sect. Dr Ambedkar looked upon them all as different facets of Hinduism.
 
Then who are the people in our country who can be called non-Hindus? The Muslims, Christians, Parsis and Jews are the religious groups following their own
respective method of worship easily qualify for inclusion in the category of non-Hindus. From among them the bulk of the Jewish population migrated to
Israel after that country came into existence. The number of Jews now living in India is very negligible.
 
The Parsees are found on the West Coast of the country and their habitat is limited to Gujarat and Bombay. Though the Parsees are not Hindus and have their
own method of worship, they have identified themselves with the nation in terms of culture, language and dress styles. They have made rich contribution
to the country's patriotic struggles with foreign powers and were pioneers in the area of industry and trade. They have not raised any problem before the
country in the name of religion.
 
"In 1943, the suggestion (to ask for separate registra- tion in various legislatures) was emphatically spurned in a representation signed by nearly 2000
leading Parsis, and affirming that `out interests are safe in the hands of sister communities'. Recalling this epi- sode, Shri R K Sidhwa, a prominent
Parsi member of the Constituent Assembly, said that if minorities were encouraged to think in terms of permanent safeguards, `there will be a kind of perpetual
instinct in the mind of the minority community representatives that the safeguards are to remain forever, and it will be diffi- cult for these small communities
to come nearer to major communities.... The ultimate phase of political life of all Indians should be one nation, no community."
 
Shri Sudarshan adds, "This, verily, is the call of Hindu Rashtra."
 
Shri K S Sudarshan, Joint General Secretary of the RSS. (Why Hindu Rashtra?)
 
The same unfortunately cannot be said of Muslims and Christians who have a turbulent history of expanding their religions by proselytisation. The Muslim
invaders converted large number of Hindus by brute force. The Christian missionaries followed suit. The stories of terrorism and atrocities perpetrated
by Muslims and Christians while forcibly converting Hindus in Bassein and Goa chill the spine even today. This history will always be present in our mind
while thinking of these religions. Nobody can wish it away.
 
We have to comprehend the problems of Muslims and Christians which are the problems of non-Hindus. The erstwhile Hindus who were converted to Islam and
Christianity not only were forced to change their modes of worshi. They had also to change their dress, their names, their culture, their value system
and their lifestyles. Their conversion, had it been purely religious, would have been confined to their mode of worship as had happened in the case of
China. When China embraced Buddhism, only the mode of worship of the Chinese people changed. Their dress habits, their names, their language, their social,
cultural and moral values continued to be the same. Here, in our country, the conversion to Islam and Christianity did not mean only change of faith; it
simultaneously meant change in nationality, and that was the root cause of all their problems. According to Dr. Ambedkar by joining Islam or Christianity,
the Depressed Classes would `not only go out of the Hindu religion, but also go out of the Hindu culture..... Conversion to Islam or Christianity will
denationalise the Depressed Classes'. (D H Keer, Dr Ambedkar, Life and Mission (2nd ed.),pp 278-9, Mumbai: Popular Prakashan, 1962.)
 
Ours is an ancient and enduring national civilisaation . We call it the Hindu civilisation. It covers modes of worship and prayer, philosophy, religion,
culture. They all are comprehensively called Hindu. When our 'converted brothers' who were like us before conversion, take anti-national stands, it creates
grave problems. The change in dress habits, languages and values of life after conversion produce fissiparous tendencies which in turn are followed by
demand for separate states. Demands are voiced for secession from the country. An important aspect of our country's history is that whenever Hindus in
any of its parts are pushed into minority, that part or province secedes from the country. Afghanistan, Baluchistan, North-West provinces, West Punjab
and East Bengal broke away from India because Hindus there were pushed into minority by Muslims. The same scenario is emerg- ing in Kashmir and North-East.
Muslim majority areas in the country pose a threat to the unity and integrity of our country. We have made constant efforts to awaken our people to this
ex- tremely serious danger. These efforts have prompted the so-called secularists in our country to conduct vile propaganda against us, purveying falsehoods
and innuendos that we are anti-Muslim and anti-Christian.
 
We inherit a rich and ancient civilisation called the Hindu civilisation. We have our own distinct way of life, customs and traditions, philosophy and literature
and religion. We call this comprehensive civilisation the Hindu nation. When a convert from Hinduism to Islam or Christianity takes a hostile stand against
this civilisation, it created a plethora of problems. Our history indicates that in the provinces where Hindus are rendered in minority there develops
divisive and secessionist tendencies. The most salient instance in point is the Christian majority districts on north-east borders. Kashmir has Muslim
majority and the Kashmir problem has over the years developed frightful dimensions.
 
It is necessary to arouse and awaken the people to this serious danger notwithstanding the propaganda by secularists that we are anti-Muslims and anti-Christians.
The problem of Muslims and Christians is not merely a problem of faith and mode of worship. Their modes of worship and philosophy may be different. They
may worship Allah or Christ, their faith, purely religious faith is no concern of ours. Hinduism accepts multiplicity of the mode of salvation. In Vivekananda's
words, Hinduism is Parliament of Religions. According to Hinduism, even the crudest and most disorganised worship of any deity ultimately goes to the Absolute.
 

Guruji Golwalkar too has laid repeated emphasis on this point in his articles and interviews. In an interview given to Dr Gilani, he says, "According to
the philosophy and teachings of Hinduism, all people following different modes of worship like Muslims, Christians and others are equal. Realisation of
the Absolute is the universal goal of all religions and every man has the right to seek salvation in the way he chooses. It is not that Hinduism alone
is the way to salvation. I would like to tell you here an anecdote relating to the former Shankaracharya of Shringeri, Dr Chandrasekhar Bharati. Once an
American approached him and said, "I want to change my religion by conversion to Hinduism. I am not happy with Christianity".
 
The Shankaracharya replied, "I don't mind your converting to Hinduism. But tell me, why are you fed up with Christianity? Have you ever been an honest and
sincere Christian? First, try to be one. Practice Christianity for some time without any reservation and if you still remain unhappy with it, I will make
you a Hindu. We are not itching to drag non-Hindus to Hinduism. We do not believe in conversions. Conversions take place because of political and pecuniary
benefits it brings. We abhor conversions. We say, this is our way of life. Accept it only if you are convinced of reaching the goal by going along with
it."
 
The Christian and Muslim problem transcends the barriers of faith and worship and tends to create social and political tensions in an anti-national perspective.
It is not that only we are aware of it. Many luminaries have underscored this great danger. I will give here two instances. Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar in his
book, 'Thoughts on Pakistan', has said in clear and unambiguous terms that if Muslims were allowed to remain in India they would be a perpetual source
of menace to us and therefore the Muslim population in India should be transferred to Pakistan. Dr Ambedkar was to give a lecture on this subject at the
Caste Eradication Association Conference scheduled to be held at Lahore in 1936, but since the meeting did not take place, the speech was published in
the form of a book, viz., `Annihilation of Caste'. Tribals and animists, he further said, would not pose any problems for the Hindu society. They are neglected
by the Hindu society and are forced to live like savages. That was bad. But if these tribals and animists were converted to Islam or Christianity they
would be a menace to Hindu nation. History tells us that whenever in any region of India, non- Hindus emerge as a majority, may they be Muslims or Christians,
that region developed secessionists tendencies and even seceded from India as in the case of Pakistan and Bangladesh. In North- East, large scale conversions
to Christianity have posed a similar problem and about Kashmir the less said the better. We can't ignore the fact that Muslims and Christians nurture anti-
national tendencies.
 
To bring non-Hindus into the mainstream politics is exceedingly a difficult task. In the past such efforts were made particularly in the field of spirituality.
Guru Nanak and Sant Kabir strove for such integration, but their efforts proved futile. Whether Kabir was a Hindu or Muslim is a matter of controversy.
However, his devotees are Hindus and Muslims do not follow his teachings, nor do they revere him.
 
In the political sphere, Mahatma Gandhi made efforts to bring Muslims in the mainstream. He advised Hindus to regard Muslims as 'younger brothers' and concede
to them their various demands. This attitude of Gandhiji is known as the appeasement policy. It was a grand and resounding failure. Muslims' demands went
on growing and culminated in the partition of the country. In the context of this appeasement policy, Guruji Golwalkar used to refer to the story of Bakasur
in the Mahabharata. Bakasur's demands constantly grew and the time came when he required a cartload of food, a man and a bull. Finally this appeasement
came to an end when Bhim destroyed Bakasur. Problems are required to be solved on our strength, not by abject appeasement. Bakasur's story need not be
taken literally. There is no question of destroying everybody who makes demands on us. The moral of the story is that we should not resort to spineless
surrender to solve such problems.
 
Muslims who had supported the demand for Pakistan remained in India. The Christian movement for secession did not have complete success. It was difficult
for these people to join the mainstream nationalism. The concept of secularism emerged to accommodate them. This concept was however confusion worse confounded
from the word go. Was it eschewing of the religion or accommodation of all religions? Was it pragmatism or materialism? That was at the theoretical level.
At the practical level, in actual operation, it came to mean appeasement of minorities. Some people floated phrase majority communalism in this context.
Majority communalism is a ridiculous expression. Majority in any country forms the core of the respective nation. How can it be communal? Secularism gave
the right of veto to minorities. Minorities used this veto to oppose uniform civil code, family planning, ban on cow slaughter, ban on religious conversions.
Because of this use of veto, the basic problems remained unsolved.
 
There have been many efforts and experiments to tackle the problem of non-Hindus at the national level. The efforts were design and implemented by those
who call themselfs secularists.
 
"In the first place, it should be admitted that every possible attempt to bring about an union between the Hindus and the Muslims has been made and that
all of them have failed." (Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar, Writings and Speeches, Vol. 8 p 305.)
 
New experiments are now very much warranted. We should all bear one important thing in mind. Now there is a force called Hindutva. Henceforth this problem
will have to be tackled by the Hindu society in the context and perspective of Hindutva. Hindutva is now a force to reckon with in this country. It occupies
a top position in the social and political reference books. It occupies a position of priority in all walks of national life. The political transformation
will occur in this country on the basis of Hindutva only. All national problems will have to be solved with reference to Hindutva and the Muslim and the
Christian problem is on the top of the list.
 
When we consider the Muslim and the Christian problem, three different solutions appear before us. They are 1) to massacre them 2) to drive them out of
the country 3) to convert them all to Hinduism by an act of Parliament. These methods appeal to different people in different ways. They cite the examples
of Bosnia or some countries in Africa where ethnic cleansing was sought to be effected by violence and massacres. People who want these types of methods
in our country are negligible. Massacres are totally alien to the temper of Hinduism. Violence and bloodshed do not fit in the Hindu religious outlook
which sees God in every living being. We cannot therefore even think of the brutal methods mentioned above.
 
It is inconceivable to even think of driving out non-Hindus from this country. They belong to the same Aryan race and their forefathers lived in this country.
Their racial and cultural roots are deep in the soil of this country. There are very few non-Hindus who have come from other countries. It would be perfectly
justified if they are sent back to their countries. The question of driving out Indian Christians or Indian Muslims simply does not arise. They are part
of this land. Paris, whose roots are in present-day Iran are accepted as honourable citizens of this country. There is no reason why Hindus will not give
the same treatment to non-Hindus who have temperament.
 
Mass conversions of Muslims and Christians are beyond the pale of practicability. Doors of course should be kept wide open to those who want to return to
Hinduism, their original religion. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad at its session at Prayag has passed a resolution that Hindus converted to other religions
can come back to Hinduism. The idea of compulsory reconversion to the Hindu fold should however be discarded. Procedures should be simplified for conversion
only of those who out of their free volition wish to return to their ancestral religion. Others should be allowed complete freedom of faith and mode of
worship and efforts should be made to assassimilate them in our cultural and national main- stream with their religious freedom intact.
 
What is the need of thinking of this problem from the Hindutva point of view here and now? Thinking about the matter we have to keep three points in mind.
 

Our civilisation is inclusive and comprehensive. From time immemorial it has absorbed and assimilated countless thought pro- cesses, religious sects, philosophical
nuances, races, castes and languages. This process of absorption continued till the advent of Muslims and Christians. Unfortunately the Muslims and the
Christians did not assimilate in our cultural life. This was our cultural defeat. The formation of Pakistan was not only our political defeat but more
seriously also a major cultural re- verse. We are proud of our cultural heritage and to strengthen and enhance it is our bounden duty. The cultural defeats
should spur us to greater and greater efforts to bring non-Hindus in our cultural mainstream, to assimilate them in our great and glorious civilisation.
 

About our cultural tradition, we must bear in mind that the population of non-Hindus in our country is 16%. That means among every 100 Indians, 16 persons
are non-Hindus. It is not in our interest that majority of those 16 non-Hindu people are hostile to our culture and they seek inspiration from foreign
lands. Their hostility to our cultural tradition will produce permanent tensions, conflicts, riots and will involve threats to life and property. Democracy
has come to stay in our country and in a democratic form of Government all citizens have equal rights, adult franchise and right to contest for legislative
seats. The dependence of foreign countries on the part of Muslims and Christians will create conditions of political instability and it will not be in
the interest of anybody. In the light of these three points we must chalk out a strategy to tackle the problem of non-Hindus from the Hindutva point of
view. We must take into account our own strength and social and political environment around us. Today we are occupying a centre of power and non-Hindus
for this reason may seek a dialogue with us. In July, 1996, some Muslim intellectuals had a similar dialogue with Sudarshanji. The reports of this dialogue
have appeared in all newspapers and also in Vivek. You all must have read them. This dialogue in a way indicated that non-Hindus are now in a mood to try
to comprehend thoughts and attitudes.
 
In view of this analysis we will have to undertake only certain tasks in hand. First and foremost to educate the people we will have to educate and train
up our own people, swayamsevaks, workers, karyawahs in the perspective of the problems of non-Hindus and the needs and techniques to absorb them in our
cultural mainstream. In educating the Muslims we will have to break the bubbles of their three illusions viz. 1) The global Islamic fraternity (Pan-Islamism)
2) They were once rulers of this country and 3) The Congress or the Janata Dal will protect them.
 
Pan-Islamism or Islamic brotherhood is a great illusion. Massacres of Muslims took place in Bosnia, American bombers pulverised Iraq, Russian forces invaded
Afghanistan and Pakistani Army organised progroms of Bangla Muslims. No united Muslim resistance was seen. Muslim unity is a mirage; it will ever remain
a mirage. Muslims' outlook is not global but purely national. Although there are many Muslim countries, each is proud of its own heritage, and its prepare
to defend it. So is the case with Christians.
 
Muslims think that they have ruled this country for some time. That is not true. There were Turks, Afghans, Iranians and for a long period Mughals who were
masters in this country. They fought among themselves. The Muslims in India today need to remember that they were converted to Islam by Muslim rulers of
yore.
 
The third illusion of Muslims relates to political parties. No political party in India can extend effective protection to Muslims. Only the Hindu society
can provide protective cover to Muslims. Political parties tend to exploit them for their political advantage and subject them to squalid bargaining. Vote-
bank politics is extremely dangerous for Muslims.
 
"It needs to be pointed out that India remains a secu- lar state, not because one-fifths of the population is Muslim, Sikh or Christian, and, therefore,
obviously has a vested interest in secular constitution, but because nine out of ten Hindus do not believe in violence against the minorities. If all the
Hindus had been zealots, no law-and-other machinery in the world could have prevented the massacre of Muslims who are scattered in villages and towns all
across the country." M J Akbar, India - The Siege Within. (Penguin, UK, 1985, p 24)).
 
Christians too need this type of enlightenment although among them the separatist tendencies are not as pronounced as they are among Muslims. Converted
Christians have attraction for Western cultural traits, languages, dress and life styles. They are taught to despise and run down Indian culture. Foreign
missionaries are enemies of local Christians. They by various intellectual tricks and chicanery, strive to sow the seeds of disloyalty and separation among
Christians. There is need to explain this to Christians without mincing words.
 
While seeking to enlighten Muslims and Christians in this way, we should tell them that the change of religion does not change their forefathers, ancestors
and their culture. While conceding to converts freedom of modes of worship they should be told in no uncertain terms that they should not change their
dress form, their language, their cultural traditions and their life styles. G M Saheed, a leader from Sind, used to say that his national hero was not
Mohammed-Ibn-Qasim, the first Muslim invader of India, his national hero was Dahir, the Hindu king of Sind who was killed by Qasim. He also repeatedly
said that he was Pakistani only for 40 years and Muslim for 1300 years, but he was a Sindhi for 5000 years.
 
A the cultural level joint programmes need to be organised. Mutual visits to each other's families and households would also be a cementing factor. Culture
creates harmony and binds men to one another. Cultural programmes develop common cultural outlook. It would go a long way in bridging the cultural chasms
if festi- vals like Id, Holi and Xmas were celebrated at the cultural level.
 
Social and humanitarian service is an important means of forging unity. We have a spirit of service and we undertake numerous relief works in calamities
and to alleviate social distress. Service to the sick and ailing has provided very cheerful experiences. Such services are offered to Christians and Muslims,
wherever the need arise.
 
The structure of a society is shaped by leadership. Leadership is of three kinds. Political, religious and intellectual. Political leadership can be divided
into three types; born leadership, leadership produced by circumstances and leadership foisted on society. Among Muslims leadership is either foisted on
them or it is produced by circumstances. No farsighted leader emerged among Muslims in this century. Mohammad Ali Jinnah's leadership was the handiwork
of the British and the Congress. The life of Jinnah requires deep study.
 
"Ever since Mahatma Gandhi decided to support the obscurantist and revivalist Khilafat Movement in the Twenties all politicians have continued to woo the
Maulanas and the Muftis. It is time the nation decided to support and encourage a new and forward-looking leadership among the Muslims." (Muslim leadership:
Died, 6 December 1992. Rest Without Peace. Sultan Shahin. Asian Age, December 7, 1996.)
 
Efforts will have to be made to produce national leadership among Muslims. Religious leadership should emerge from among the respective people themselves.
Intellectual leadership must be invested with nationalist thoughts. Communists and secularists shaped intellectual leadership among Muslims to facilitate
propagation of their ideologies. Barring a few exceptions like Muzaffar Hussein and Wahiuddin Khan there are no nationalist intellectual leader among Muslims.
 

The responsibility of different organisations in the parivar is enormous so far as the problems of non-Hindus are concerned. According to us, the interpretation
that Hindutva means anti- minorityism is completely wrong. But we will have to prove this through our actions. Our meaning of Hindutva must be shown through
our programmes, and thought by the member institutions in the Sangh parivar. The Sangh work through Shakha is limited to the Hindu society, at least today.
At present there is no plan to accommodate non-Hindus in the Sangh Shakha. At present there is no need has arisen for such a plan.
 
The member institutions in the parivar have to accept the terminology of their particular fields. Even though Hindutva is the basic ideology of all institutions.
It has to be presented according to the needs of the specific terminology. Presentation of Hindutva and its phrasing will change from field to field. Yet
our image in the society will be of Sanghwalas.
 
While working in the parivar fields, the respective identities of the constituents must be taken into account. The concern of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi
Parishad (ABVP) is students. ABVP looks at them as students. It does not discriminate between Hindu and non-Hindu. Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) concerns
itself with the workers. Therefore there the identity as a worker gains priority. The BMS does not inquire whether the worker is a Hindu or non-Hindu.
BJP, thinking about the government will look at the people as citizens of the country. It also does not differentiate between Hindus, Muslims, Christians.
 

Since every field is recognized separately, the Hindutva ideology has to be expressed in such a way that all the people can be carried with it; that it
can protect the common interests of all. This work is going on for decades in the Sangh Parivar. Time has come to proceed forward with more effort and
devotion. Harmony will be possible only through the Sangh Shakhas. This is our experience. Yet, Samajik Samarasata Manch is established keeping in mind
the need of the hour. Some Sangh workers have been asked to pay special attention to Dalits. Similarly organisations in the parivar should pay special
attention to non- Hindus. They must to be brought closer with efforts through special contacts.
 
We will have to exhibit the correct Hindutva through our behaviour. Only thoughts do not change anybody's opinions. Therefore, Hindutva will have to manifest
not only through intellectual demands but also contacts, cooperation and cohabitation. The Hindutva manifesting through our behaviour will bring about
the right psychological transformation. There are a number of examples of such transformation in parivar work.
 
Finally, I will tell you an enlightening story. The other day I was talking on this subject to Ramanbhai Shah of the BMS. There is a union worker called
Shaikh. Earlier he was in a communist trade union and now has shifted to our bandwagon. A communist told him, "you have gone to dangerous people. They
will throw you out into the sea". Shaikh replied, "I have been with you for several years, but I never got the affection, prestige and honour I have received
here".
 
"But your flag is green and theirs is saffron. What about it?" the Communists queried.
 
"What of it?", replied Shaikh. "When an orange is green in colour it is sour but when it ripens into saffron it is sweet".
 

Thursday, October 14, 2010

Kashmir: Integral Truths - S.K.Sinha

 

Kashmir: Integral truths

S.K. Sinha

 

Oct 13 2010

 

No chief minister started his tenure with so much goodwill within his state and all over the country as Omar Abdullah in 2009. It is a pity that this was frittered away in so short a time, thanks first to the flip-flop over the so-called Shopian rape and murder case in 2009 and to the stone-pelting in 2010. Having interacted with his legendary grandfather, and more closely with his father, I had earnestly wished that he be successful.

 

Nowadays we do not have political leaders like Lal Bahadur Shastri who as railway minister resigned owning moral responsibility for a major train disaster. The trend now is to disown responsibility and pass the buck. We need not hold against Omar his version of events in his address to the state legislature on October 6. I would even praise him for boldly asserting that he is not a puppet of the Centre, often alleged by separatists in the Valley for CMs of the state. As a duly elected CM, he functioned with due independence. Yet there are two facts which cannot be ignored. Till the evening before Omar was sworn in as CM, it was being said that the party preferred his father for the job. Farooq Abdullah categorically stated on a media channel that he would be taking the oath as CM next morning. Something happened in Delhi that night and Omar became CM the following day. During the stone-pelting crisis, there was widespread opinion in the state and outside that Farooq would not have allowed things to go out of control. It was widely felt that Omar must go, but he survived because of a lone helpline from Delhi.

 

One should make allowances for Omar being young with little experience in state politics. In 2008, his uncalled for and misleading emotional outburst in Parliament during the Amarnath controversy — "Jaan Denge par Zamin nahin Denge" — only fuelled the agitation in Jammu. He must have been under tremendous strain for the past few months and this should not be ignored while commenting on his recent address to the Assembly. However, some of the issues raised by him are disturbing from the national viewpoint. The record must be set right. Pandering to separatist sentiments will not help build political support. It will only whet the appetite for secession.

 

Omar's statement that Kashmir acceded to India and, unlike Hyderabad and Junagadh, did not merge with India, has an unfortunate connotation. Over 500 Princely States merged with India. Mentioning only Hyderabad and Junagadh is making insinuations, in line with Pakistan propaganda. There was a common Instrument of Accession for all Princely States acceding to India. Hari Singh was facing a very critical situation. Pakistani invaders were approaching Srinagar and he had fled to Jammu. He desperately needed India's help and was hardly in a position to make any stipulations. He duly signed the instrument. This was fully supported by Sheikh Abdullah, the most popular leader of Kashmir. Later, it was also ratified by the Kashmir Constituent Assembly. At the time of signing the Instrument of Accession, letters were exchanged between the Maharaja and Mountbatten in which special provisions were sought and accepted. Letters do not have the same legal validity as a formal instrument. Yet Article 370 of the Constitution ensures that the provisions agreed upon were duly upheld. In these circumstances, the hair-splitting distinction between accession and merger is meaningless. It may be mentioned that in the earlier two centuries many Princely States, including Kashmir, acceded to the British Crown but the people of those states were not given British nationality. It was refreshing that during the nuclear debate in Parliament in 2008, Omar rightly won accolade for asserting his Indian nationality.

 

Omar's irritation over Kashmir being described as an integral part of India was uncalled for. That has been our national stand and not that of any particular party as such. Neither his father nor his grandfather ever contested this. On February 22, 1994 the Indian Parliament passed a unanimous resolution asserting that Kashmir is an integral part of India and directing that Kashmir territory illegally occupied by Pakistan be liberated. The National Conference representative in Parliament supported that resolution.

 

Much is being made by Omar and his party of autonomy. The fact is that Kashmir enjoys more autonomy than any state in India but has the least autonomy below the state level. A regional political imbalance persists and is sought to be perpetuated by the embargo on delimitation of constituencies. For 49,725 voters, Kashmir has one MLA but Jammu has one MLA for 66,521 voters. This means that despite having 1,77,153 more voters, Jammu has nine MLAs less in the legislature than Kashmir. Whereas Panchayat Raj functions in every state, it is yet to be established in J&K. The Right to Information Act has not yet been made fully functional in the state. In the name of autonomy a reversion to the pre-1953 constitutional status is sought. This will entail removal of the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court, the Election Commission and the Comptroller and Auditor General. There is also a demand for an elected governor from the state and doing away with IAS, IPS and other Central services. The changes effected through due process of law prescribed by the Constitution, and ratified by the state legislature, are sought to be scrapped in the name of autonomy. These changes were endorsed by the Indira-Sheikh accord. They also received the people's support in the Sheikh's overwhelming victory in the 1977 state elections, regarded by all as free and fair. It is strange that Sheikh Abdullah's progenies, who attained political power for being his descendants, now want to undo what he did in the interests of the state and are chasing a mirage of autonomy. It is also pertinent that Central per capita aid is the highest in Kashmir, many times more than some other states in the country. Removal of the jurisdiction of the Comptroller and Auditor General would mean absence of financial accountability. Omar has sought regional autonomy for Jammu and Ladakh regions and has urged splitting them into sub-regions of Jammu, Rajouri, Poonch, Doda, Kargil and Leh, which would virtually be a division on communal lines. It is interesting that the Valley is not required to be split into the plains and mountain regions, obviously because of commonalty of religion.

 

The need in J&K is to restore order, remove governance deficit, commence political dialogue and meet the legitimate aspirations of all stakeholders in the state, within the framework of the Indian Constitution. It must not be lost sight of that the separatists constitute a minority in the state. Their influence is generally confined to the Valley, excluding the Gujjars and Bakherwals, living in the mountains. The recent stone-pelting agitation was confined to the Valley, without any Gujjar or Bakherwal participation.

 

- The author, a retired lieutenant-general, was Vice-Chief of Army Staff and has served as governor of Assam and Jammu and Kashmir.

 

http://www.deccanchronicle.com/dc-comment/kashmir-integral-truths-134

 

 

 


Muslims to decide to put a full stop

 

Babri Masjid Revisited

Maulana Wahiduddin Khan,

Oct 12, 2010,

The Babri masjid was built in 1528 at Ayodhya by Mir Baqi, the governor of Ayodhya at the time. He built it adjacent to the Ram chabutra, which is held sacred by the Hindus. This was a clear deviation from the Islamic principle. According to Islam, the places of worship of two religions should be built at a considerable distance from each other.

When Caliph Omar visited Jerusalem in AD 638, he wanted to offer his prayers. At that moment, he happened to be in the Church of the Resurrection of Jerusalem. The Christian bishop told him he could offer his prayers inside that very church. But the caliph refused. He said that he would offer his prayers at a stone's throw from the church. If he offered his prayers right there inside the church, it would create a controversy in the future. The Muslims of later generations would say that they would build a mosque there because their caliph had offered prayers there. Notwithstanding this historic example, Mir Baqi built a mosque adjoining a Hindu sacred place. This was bound to create problems.

In 1949, some Hindus placed three idols inside the Babri mosque. Unable to manage the crisis this created, the Muslims reacted: their failure to adopt the prophetic principle in this regard started an unending controversy between the two communities.

At the time of the Prophet, in the first quarter of the 7th century AD, idol worshippers had placed 360 idols in the premises of the Kabah, Mecca. But the Prophet never reacted. He simply ignored the situation and tried to change people's hearts. And the result was that, within 20 years, Meccans abandoned idol worship and became the followers of the Prophet. Then those Meccans themselves removed the idols from the Kabah without any confrontation or bloodshed.

In 1991, during the prime ministership of Narasimha Rao, the Indian Parliament passed a legislation called the Places of Worship Act, 1991. According to this Act, the government of India was bound to maintain the status quo of all places of worship on the Indian soil as it stood in 1947. But there was an exception that of the Babri masjid of Ayodhya. The Act maintained that the Babri masjid issue was in court, so the government would wait and it would be its duty to implement the verdict of the court when it was given.

This Act was a most reasonable one and Muslims should have accepted it as such. But they rejected it outright and resorted to street demonstrations. The demolition of the Babri masjid on December 6, 1992, was nothing but the culmination of this negative course of action adopted by the Muslims. At that time i said: "Babri Masjid ko Hinduon ne toda aur Musalmano ne usko tudwaya." (The Hindus demolished the Babri masjid but Muslims provoked them to do so.)

The Muslims subsequently took the very impractical line that the masjid should be rebuilt on the same spot. At that time, i said that the rebuilding formula was totally unrealistic; Muslims should accept the alternative formula of the relocation of the mosque.

It is a well-known fact that the relocation formula has been adopted by Arab countries. When these countries wanted to replan their cities, they found that there were many mosques that were obstacles to city planning. They did not hesitate to relocate such mosques. I said at the time that Muslims in India ought to adopt this same formula and accept the relocation of the Babri mosque. But again the Muslims refused.

Now, after the judicial verdict on September 30, 2010, the Muslims are generally saying that this verdict is contrary to their hopes and they will challenge it in the Supreme Court. But this is not going to solve the problem. It is an emotional reaction to the verdict and not a well-considered response.

Suppose the Muslims refer the issue to the Supreme Court and suppose it issues a judgement in their favour. Even then it will not solve the problem. The Muslims themselves set a precedent in 1985, which is enough to predict the situation as it will unfold.

In 1985, the Supreme Court issued a judgement in the Shah Bano case, which ran counter to Muslim aspirations. So the Muslims refused to accept the judgement. They took to the streets and the government was compelled to pass a new Act. The Hindus would certainly say that it was now their turn to refuse the verdict issued by the Supreme Court.

The only solution to this problem is for the Muslims to decide to put a full stop to this issue. If they put a comma, then there will be no end to it. We have lost 60 years by putting comma after comma and now this is the last chance to bring closure to the issue so that the relationship between the Hindus and the Muslims may be normalised. And this full stop means either leaving it to the government to implement the verdict or agreeing to the relocation of the Babri mosque. There is, in reality, no third option.

The writer is an Islamic scholar.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/6730622.cms?prtpage=1#ixzz12DbVtH5d

 


Wednesday, October 13, 2010

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Tuesday, October 12, 2010

The story of two Kashmirs


 

        The story of two Kashmirs
Taken from Organiser
 
THAT China too has its Kashmir and problems with Islamist separatist identical to India's Kashmir is not widely known. 'Xinjiang', actually pronounced as 'Sinkiang' for postal purposes, is China's Kashmir. Xinjiang actually shares borders with Ladakh in India's Kashmir. But unlike Kashmir it is not a small area. . Its size is 1.8 million sq km; almost one-sixth of China; half as much as India. India's Kashmir measures some 2,65,000 sq km. Of which some 86,00 sq km is under Pakistan; some 37,500 sq km under China; the balance, 1,41,000 sq km, is with India. The disputed part of India's Kashmir, some 45,000 sq km, is less than one hundredth of Xinjiang. So China's Kashmir is physically 100 times bigger than India's and therefore its problem too is bigger. Yet many do not know about it.
 
The reason is that China prevented Xinjiang, its Kashmir, from becoming an international issue like India's Kashmir. Xinjiang, which had a majority of Turkish Muslims (Uighurs) in 1949, had a short-lived state of East Turkestan. China invaded it, crushed it, and won back its territory. The name Xinjiang literally means 'old frontier returns to China'. See the contrast. A year earlier, in 1948, India almost won back most of Kashmir from Pakistan which had invaded it, but voluntarily offered and turned it into an international issue. It was India not Pakistan, which went to the United Nations; made it an international issue. It is struggling to say it is a bilateral one. Now, on to how China handled Xinjiang, its Kashmir and integrated it with its mainland. Xinjiang has a population of 20 million plus. The Uighur Muslim constitute 45 per cent, other Muslims 12 per cent and Han Chinese 41 per cent. What was the Han population in Xinjiang in 1949? Just six per cent. In six decades it has risen by seven times. This change did not occur by itself. China did not just trust army or administrative control of its territory in Xinjiang. It trusted only its people. It ensured that the Han Chinese slowly began populating Xinjiang. The result is self-evident. But the 41 per cent Han Chinese population does not include defence personnel and families, and unregistered migrant Chinese workers.
 
Xinjiang was once known for a variety of agricultural products, but now, for more. It GDP rose from $ 28 billion in 2004 to $ 60 billion in 2008. It per capita GDP (2008) was $ 2,864, almost the same as the national average. It has large deposits of minerals and oil. The oil and gas extraction industry in Xinjiang is booming; it has a pipeline to Shanghai. This sector accounts for 60 per cent of Xinjiang's economy. With a vast area, huge resources, and sparse population, Xinjiang benefits China more than the other way round. In contrast the economic cost of India's Kashmir is very high. It receives a per capita Central grant of Rs 8,092, while for other Indian states it is just Rs 1,137. If the grants are given directly by money order each Kashmiri family of five would receive Rs 40,460 every year.
 
Still, the Uighur Muslims are unhappy with communist China. The World Uyghur Congress led by Rebiya Kadeer, a businesswoman based in Germany, is fighting for the freedom of Uighurs. There is violence and terror in Xinjiang like in Kashmir but not on that scale thanks to Pakistan's ISI being friendly to China as common cause against India. The Uighurs are therefore not getting any support from Pakistan. Yet militancy is growing. There were terror strikes in Xinjiang on August 5, last year, just three days ahead of the Beijing Olympics, killing 16 policemen. On August 11, when the Olympics was in progress, attacks took place near Beijing in which 11 people were killed. And on July 6, there were huge riots between Uighur Muslims and Han Chinese in Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang resulting in 184 deaths and over 1,000 people injured. Most of the dead and injured were Han Chinese.
 
See how the Chinese reacted to the July 6 riots. President Hu Jintao, who was to attend the G-8 meeting, flew back seeing the depth of the crisis. His government declared war on 'three forces', namely-separatism, extremism and terrorism'. It banned Friday prayers in Urumqi mosques and told the Muslims to pray from their homes, something no other country would do. China has also pointed to al-Qaida for the trouble.
 
Yes, China does have problems with Islamist separatists, extremists and terrorists. But it has, by diplomacy and action, ensured that it remains an internal problems, unlike India, which has on its own made Kashmir an international issue. China has also changed the religious and political demography of Xinjiang by ensuring that 41 per cent of the province's population is non- Muslim.
 
Instead of working to change the demography in favour of India as China has done, the Indian government could not even prevent the expulsion of Hindus from the Valley. While Xinjiang is half filled by Han Chinese, Kashmir has been cleansed of Hindus. The result is that India has to defend Kashmir with the help of the army instead of the people.
 
Had India followed the policy the Chinese adopted in Xinjiang, conquering Kashmir back instead of contracting under Article 370, which prevents Indians in other places from migrating to the Valley, today Kashmir would have demographically integrated with India.
 
Courtesy: Vivekananda Kendra Arun Jyoti